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On Koizumi policies and Japan's future course: JCP Shii

Japanese Communist Party Chair Shii Kazuo on September 15 gave an address at the Japan National Press Club under the title "On Koizumi Policies and Japan's future course," the gist of which is as follows:

Koizumi aggravated the aberrance of LDP policies:
New political framework required

I was given the theme "On Koizumi Policies and Japan's future course" for this address. I have just finished my first visit to South Korea. Tomorrow, I will leave for Pakistan at the official invitation of the Pakistani government, and will have talks with Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz on September 18. So today, I will also touch on how I feel concerning these international activities.

The JCP 24th Congress held in January exposed three aberrations of the Liberal Democratic Party policies that are unparalleled in any other capitalist country in the world (justifying the past war of aggression, always acting at the U.S. beck and call, and always acting in the interests of large corporations) and put forward an alternative to fundamentally correct them.

It is safe to say that the Koizumi government in the past five years has aggravated these three aberrations to the extreme. As a result, Japan's politics has been dragged into a serious stalemate both internationally and domestically.

No matter who will be the next LDP president and prime minister, Japan will have no bright future as long as he continues to follow this line. However, no LDP candidate in their debates has shown the willingness to face up to and review these aberrations.

At the same time, the Democratic Party lacks the policy foundation to confront the root-cause of the aberrations of LDP policies despite the party's claim to "confront the LDP".

Japan has entered a historical stage in which a new political framework is urgently called for in order to resolve the problems caused by the old one. I'm convinced that the JCP's role in calling for this is much more important than before.

Understanding of history is called into question

First, let me take up the aberration of justifying the past war of aggression. By continuing to visit Yasukuni Shrine, Prime Minister Koizumi Jun'ichiro has pushed Japan's foreign relations into a dead end.

The JCP has repeatedly pointed out that the crux of the matter lies in the fact that the prime minister's action amounts to giving an official endorsement to "Yasukuni's view of history" justifying the war, and this view is now shared widely in Japan and internationally.

Criticism of Koizumi's Yasukuni Shrine visits is voiced today not only in South Korea and China but also in Southeast Asia, Europe, and the United States. Referring to Yasukuni's war museum "Yushukan", U.S. House of Representatives International Relations Committee Chair Henry Hyde in a committee meeting on September 14 pointed out that the history that Yushukan is teaching is not based on facts, and stated, "It is troubling to those of my generation to learn that the Yushukan museum in Tokyo is teaching younger generations of Japanese that World War II in Asia was launched by Tokyo to free the people of Asia and the Pacific from the yoke of Western imperialism."

Criticism of Koizumi's visits has been expressed even by one of his close associates. In the "Koizumi Cabinet E-mail Magazine" dated September 7, National Defense Academy President Iokibe Makoto made a rare criticism of Koizumi. Iokibe pointed out that the public has approved everything in the Koizumi diplomacy, even including some unwise moves, and that a "love is blind" syndrome is dominant. He openly criticized Koizumi's visits to Yasukuni Shrine by writing, "How seriously the single issue of his visit to Yasukuni Shrine has paralyzed Asia diplomacy and undermined the constructive foreign relations that Japan had built up through long-term efforts!"

Now it is seriously called into question whether the next cabinet can break away from the foolish act to justify the war of aggression and colonial rule. Therefore, the next prime minister's understanding of history needs to be scrutinized.

When asked about his understanding of the past war of aggression and colonial rule, Prime Minister Koizumi answered that his view is in accordance with the 1995 Murayama Statement. The Murayama Statement is inadequate in our view, but it at least expressed remorse over Japan's "colonial rule and aggression" carried out by "following a mistaken national policy."

In the Diet, I discussed the Yasukuni issue with Prime Minister Koizumi in June last year. Asked about the Murayama Statement, Koizumi stated, "I share a similar understanding," and he even said to me, "Yasukuni's view is different from that of the government." Thus, it is contradictory for Koizumi to visit the shrine which holds a view that he himself has admitted to be different from his. His problem lies in the fact that while expressing remorse in word, he nullifies it in deed.

Abe Shinzo's understanding of history is far more regressive than that of Koizumi. I asked Abe two questions straightforwardly in a discussion aired by TV Asahi in July last year. I asked, "Do you think Japan's past war was a just war or a war of aggression? Do you think the Tokyo Tribunal judgment against Class A war criminals was an 'unjustifiable accusation' or an appropriate one?" Abe said, "History will make the judgment." This shows that he has neither understanding that the war of aggression and colonial rule were unjustifiable nor remorse over it. Abe has avoided committing himself to adherence to the Murayama Statement. By describing the Murayama Statement as a "historical statement" he attempts to make the statement "a relic from the past," thus effectively shelving the government understanding of history made public by the statement.

I think this is a grave position. While expressing remorse in word, Prime Minister Koizumi betrayed his words in deeds. On the other hand, Abe is not willing to express remorse even in word. If Abe becomes the prime minister, he will be pressed to break with his present understanding of history as is expressed by his remarks that "History will make the judgment." If he refuses to do so, he is not qualified to be the prime minister. No matter who becomes the next prime minister, the JCP strongly demands that he refrain from the foolish act of visiting Yasukuni Shrine.

In view of the future course of Japan, it is vitally important for the country to break with the adverse current justifying the war of aggression and colonial rule in order to establish true friendship with Asian nations as well as to serve Japan's national interests. Here, I would like to refer to two points that I strongly thought significant during my visit to South Korea.

Firstly, in order to establish a community of nations for peace in East Asia it is necessary to commonly share a basic understanding of history. Today, it is important to expand to Northeast Asia the community for peace established by ASEAN. In my meetings with a wide range of South Koreans as well as at the International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP), I realized that many people indeed share this hope. For this reason, we need to settle the historical questions. Having squarely faced up to its past, Germany achieved reconciliation with France and other countries. Without it, the European Union could not have come into being.

Secondly, remorse over the historical issues serves as the foundation on which Japan can solve longstanding bilateral issues with South Korea. The issue of Takeshima Island came up in a press conference with the South Korean media and in the meeting with the Grand National Party National Assembly floor leader. In response to this, I explained that in 1977 the JCP announced that the Japanese government's claim for sovereignty has historical grounds. At the same time, I pointed out that Japan has to listen to South Korea's arguments, taking into consideration the fact that the incorporation of the island into Japan had been carried out in 1905 when Japan had pushed forward the aggression against and colonization of Korean Peninsula. I said that the Japanese and South Korean governments need to exchange data and carry out joint study so that the peoples of both countries can share a common understanding of the historical facts about the island. The Grand National Party representative said, "Thank you for your frank opinion. It is very significant that you referred to what had happened during the colonial period."

In the negotiation leading to the conclusion of the Treaty on Basic Relations between Japan and the ROK in 1965 Japan failed to admit the illegality of its colonial rule that still remains as Japan's weakness. If Japan overcomes this weakness, both sides can sit at a table for calm discussion, I think.

Diplomacy subservient to the U.S. is doomed to fail
-- Stop Constitutional revision and strengthening of military alliance

Let's move on to the second aberration, Japan's subservience to the United States. The five years of the Koizumi government has transformed the Japan-U.S. military alliance into a more aggressive one. In a word, it marks a major step to have the "Japan-U.S. alliance" play a global role.

To describe this change, the U.S. government uses the expression, "U.S.-Japan global alliance." This means that Japan and the United States will jointly respond to questions globally, instead of just placing the bilateral alliance in a global context. The Japan-U.S. security setup's geographic coverage was expanded from the "Far East" to the whole of "Asia and the Pacific," and then literally to the whole world. This is very serious in that it goes way beyond the framework of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty.

Let me cite what the government has done and what it is doing in this context. Japan has supported the war of aggression against Iraq and dispatched the Self-Defense Forces to Iraq. It is pushing ahead with the U.S. military realignment in Japan, and moving to exercise the right of collective self-defense and adversely revise the Constitution. Japan is, thus, rushing to uncritically follow the United States to take part in wars globally.

However, this is the way proven to be a failure in the world. Look at the five years after the 9.11 terror attacks. The fact that the mistake of the war of aggression against Iraq was of great magnitude is clear from the situation in Iraq becoming as critical as a civil war, the situation in Afghanistan where the Taliban is back and the situation has become unstable again, and the spread of terrorism throughout the world. The allegation about weapons of mass destruction that the United State used as the pretext for launching the war has turned out to be a lie. The lawless war in violation of the U.N. Charter is being judged by history. Showing loyalty to the United States with its unlawful preemptive attack strategy, the Japanese government wants to remake Japan into a country that fights wars abroad. This is precisely what the advocates of constitutional revision have in mind. But this way has no future.

None of Prime Minister Koizumi's successors have the willingness or intention to correct this direction. All they are doing is to compete for a stronger military alliance and promote hawkish policies. Abe Shinzo (a leading candidate for the LDP president) has set the time-frame for constitutional revision to be accomplished within five years, and made clear that he will study the possibility of allowing Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense by just changing the interpretation of the Constitution. Here you can see his firm intention to achieve constitutional revision and the impulse moving him to work to enable Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense abroad as soon as possible without waiting for constitutional revision. Richard Armitage in the September issue of the Japanese monthly "Voice" said, "Most of the tasks set out in the 2000 Armitage report have been fulfilled and the only remaining challenge is the use of the right of collective self-defense." Abe, while calling for a "assertive diplomacy," will engage in a "non-assertive diplomacy" when it comes to the United States. His diplomacy will be subservient to the United States.

In South Korea, in interviews with South Korean media and at meetings with people from various circles, I heard them speak about their strong concerns and anxiety about "right leaning Japan." I also heard many voices of expectation for the JCP as a party fighting the right-wing forces head-on.

In particular, there are strong anxieties about the move toward revising Article 9 of the Constitution. This is not an article only for Japan. It is a pledge to the world that Japan will "never again wage a war." It is Japan's responsibility to defend this no-war pledge to Asian countries and the rest of the world. To this end, the JCP will make even greater efforts to form a majority in defense of Article 9.

At the same time, the JCP will increase efforts to form a national majority to abrogate the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty which is the underlying cause of the moves toward constitutional revision. The International Conference of Asian Political Parties (ICAPP) focused on ways to build an Asian community for peace. Almost all military alliances have disappeared from Asia and a community for peace with no enemies is growing significantly. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) make up the Asian community for peace. The future lies in this current.

Society of disparity - large corporations making record profits must pay their fair share

The third aberration is the policies serving the interest of large corporations. During the five years of the Koizumi cabinet, neoliberal policies have been carried out under the name of "structural reform" using "the law of the jungle" principle.

As a result, growing social disparity and the further spread of poverty have become major social problems. The NHK TV program "Working Poor - Hard work does not guarantee better life" (aired on July 23) caught the public's attention. It reported on the serious situation in which one-tenth of Japan's total households, or 4 million households or more, are estimated to live below the poverty line and are eligible for public welfare assistance. The program also showed the structure in which the state of "working-poor" households are restricted to makes it difficult for their children to receive higher education or find jobs so that poverty will be passed on to the next generations. It was very striking that a reporter on that program said, "There's a belief in our society that efforts are rewarded. Throughout the interviews, I did not meet anyone who did not make strenuous efforts."

The Koizumi Cabinet is responsible for creating a society based on the law of the jungle. It is the result of the LDP's three adverse policies combined: the destruction of rules for humane working conditions; the destruction of the foundations for social services; and the regressive tax system that benefits major corporations and rich people while increasing tax burdens on the people. Just calling for a "reduction of disparity" and an "opportunity for a second challenge" does not solve the problem. The government must address the cause of the problem and take steps to solve the problem from its structural foundations.

One of the focal points in the LDP presidential election is an increase in the consumption tax rate. Candidate Tanigaki is candid about his plan, but the other two candidates are trying to hide their true intentions as much as possible. Mr. Abe only implied the possibility of submitting a bill to increase the consumption tax rate in 2008. The "basic policies 2006" approved by the Koizumi Cabinet on July 7 proposed "expenditure and revenue reform," calling for a consumption tax rate increase. However, it stopped short of stating when or how much the rate will be increased, apparently in order to avoid a discussion of the tax issue in the next House of Councilors election.

However, the aim of the government and the LDP is clear. In answer to reporters, Honma Masaaki, a member of the Council Fiscal and Economic Policy, said, "I'd like you to carefully read the discussions that preceded the adoption of the latest basic policies. Pointing out the need to raise the consumption tax by 1 or 2 percentage points in order to achieve a primary balance surplus, and the need to increase it to 10 percent later on, we have sent out very clear signals"(Asahi Shimbun, September 14, 2006). Mr. Abe is also a member of the Council. By adopting a policy that is clear enough to see the chance for the consumption tax rate to be raised and trying to get away with the Upper House election by hiding the policy, he is deceiving the public.

The "tax reform" we need is one that will review the excessive corporate tax cuts. Major corporations make ordinary profits that have unprecedentedly exceeded the ones in the bubble period for three consecutive years. However, the corporate tax revenue has decreased from 13 to 19 trillion yen. Finance Minister Tanigaki said that the government has achieved a 5 million yen reduction of corporate taxes by lowering the corporate tax rate from 40 to 30 percent. The government should require them to pay a fair share relative to their profits.

Hot issue in next Diet session: Scrap bill to revise Fundamental Law of Education by popular movement and parliamentary discussion

Revision of the Fundamental Law of Education will be a hot issue in the next Diet session.

This question has to do with all three aberrations. The revision of the law is closely connected with policies in subordination to the United States and centering on the interest of large corporations in that it aims at fostering human resources to serve the national policies of building "a nation fighting wars abroad" and "an economy governed by the law of the jungle." Since the Yasukuni Shrine advocates are leading the move to revise the law, this question also has to do with the lack of remorse for Japan's war of aggression.

In the previous Diet session, the JCP made clear that the revision goes against the Constitution in two aspects: (1) It imposes "patriotism" in violation of the freedom of conscience; (2) It allows the state to control education without restriction, ignoring the constitutional requirement that state intervention in education must be restricted.

Abe says his government will post inspectors across the country so as to evaluate schools and teachers, and transfer "problematic" schools to the private sector and dismiss "problematic" teachers. He attempts to establish a system by which the state directly and blatantly controls education. This was exactly the most serious problem of the prewar education system. This was the very education that drove students to the battlefields. Remorse over this problem gave birth to the Fundamental Law of Education, Article 10 of which stipulates, "Education shall not be subject to improper control, but it shall be directly responsible for the whole people." No politician who does not understand this basic principle is qualified to discuss issues of education.

The JCP is determined to do its utmost to scrap this bill by the joint struggle of popular movements and parliamentary discussions.

Catching signs of change in political currents and working for victory in Upper House and nationwide simultaneous local elections

With the LDP politics coming to a dead end, changes are taking place in political currents. Both in rural and urban areas, people are saying, "We cannot continue to live in this way," and "We cannot live a decent life." The LDP's support base has been largely undermined, and they are now looking for a new path.

Such a change in the political currents is best perceived in the fight that the JCP put up in the mid-term local elections. Of course, this will not automatically lead to a JCP advance in the national elections. The JCP can advance only when it puts in a great deal of effort to create a favorable wind by ourselves.

The real point at issue in the coming elections lies in not whether the ruling parties will fail to win a majority in the Diet but whether the JCP, the party with a firm foundation to drastically challenge the LDP policies, will make an advance or not. In order to ensure victory in the two nationwide elections slated for the next year, the House of Councilors election and the nationwide simultaneous local elections, we would like to build a strong party that can win in elections under whatever circumstances through dialogues and cooperation with a wide range of people including conservatives and those who have no party preference. The JCP is determined to thoroughly use its wisdom and strength to win a victory in these elections.
- Akahata, September 16, 2006





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